Ten years after Brown v Board of Education II the south was still deeply committed to incrementalism - an intentional and illegal foot-dragging - that was announced in 1955 when 101 of 128 southern legislators signed the Southern Manifesto and declared they would not follow the Supreme court ruling.Not unlike George W. Bush - Lyndon B. Johnson, another of America's Texas presidents, used the political capital he possessed following the assassination of John F Kennedy to drive the political agenda as far to the left as he could. After 911, W headed right.
Part of Johnson's effort was to put some meaning into the Supreme Court's words - "all deliberate speed." To accomplish desegregation in the muleish south, Johnson thought it was necessary to use a two-pronged attack; a "carrot and stick."
The "stick" was already in place with the signing of the Civil Rights Acts in 1964.
His "carrot" was the $4 billion Elementary and Secondary Education Act.
With the Supreme Court's confirmation in Green v County Board of Education, for the first time it became possible for the federal government to punish school districts that were still refusing to desegregate. Do what the feds say or lose your funds - an approach that did not escape President Bush. In 1963-64, barely 1% of black students were attending school with whites. By 1972 that number had grown to 75%.
The No Child Left Behind Act—the latest version of the Elementary and Secondary Education Act of 1965—is central to many education policy debates today. But the origin of this groundbreaking law, its structure, and the expansion of the federal role in education since the law's enactment are important to today's debates, yet often overlooked.
Recently, The Education Sector sponsored an event (.pdf & audio transcript) that brought together leaders who have shaped ESEA on Capitol Hill to discuss how the federal role in education began, how it's changed, and what this important history means for accountability debates today and in the future.
No comments:
Post a Comment