Showing posts with label Education Sector. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Education Sector. Show all posts

Tuesday, July 07, 2009

Higher Education Accountability Systems

Over at the Quick and the Ed, theEducation Sector ahs been looking at higher education accountability where the conservative group scores Kentucky relatively well.

In 2008 and 2009, Education Sector conducted a comprehensive analysis of higher education accountability systems in all 50 states, the District of Columbia, and Puerto Rico. We analyzed thousands of documents, Web sites, policies, and laws attempting to answer two questions:

1. What information do states collect on their higher education institutions?

2. How does the state use that information to improve its colleges and universities?

They graded every state accountability system in 15 categories including:
student learning outcomes, productivity, faculty scholarship, student engagement, affordability,
information states gather, governance, funding, public information, the ways states use information to hold institutions accountable...

To be clear, EdSector did not evaluate higher education outcomes, but rather the breadth, accuracy, and strength of their systems designed to hold institutions accountable for results.

Grades were based on a range of factors, including accuracy, timeliness, comparability, and breadth of information. States received more credit for information reported consistently by all institutions than for information reported idiosyncratically by only a few.
Because accountability must be transparent to be meaningful, we considered only publicly available information. Each state was given the chance to comment on our reviews, and about half took the opportunity to point out things we had missed, comment on our findings, or ask questions about our analysis.

The report's main page is available here. It has a larger version of the interactive map and links to a summary document of our grading system and the grades in each of our categories, individual summaries for every state, and separate reports for each of our 15 categories. We released a report in December highlighting best practices and explaining why state accountability systems matter.

Friday, November 07, 2008

Competition Yields Unequal and Disappointing Charter Results

Substantial research strongly suggests that teachers may be the most important element of an effective school. But does that mean that K-12 improvement must wait on the ability of schools or systems to recruit, nurture, and retain outstanding teachers?

Such a strategy implies that widespread excellence hinges on the ability of publicly funded school systems to attract more than 3.3 million superstars—or more than 200,000 such hires a year. The challenge of recruiting our way to excellence is a daunting proposition.

Education Sector senior fellow Steven Wilson, is skeptical that it is a feasible one. In an American Enterprise Institute working paper, he notes that today’s successful charter schools have succeeded by creating a “No Excuses” culture reliant on their ability to attract talented and passionate recruits. He doubts, however, that these models are capable of working at the scale that the nation requires.

Indeed, given the limited talent pool of promising hires and the exhausting demands these schools make of faculty, Wilson considers whether such models can ever effectively serve more than a handful of the nation’s students.

Internationally, the top performing education systems (Finland and Singapore) draw their teachers from the top third of college graduates. In America, urban school systems typically draw their teachers primarily from the bottom third.

However, the SAT scores of prospective teachers passing teacher licensing tests has risen in the last ten years in the United States, as have their college grades.

At least since President Lyndon Johnson announced his plan to move the nation “toward the Great Society,” policymakers and philanthropists have sought a remedy to persistent academic underachievement in America’s cities.

While the charter school movement as a whole has disappointed, a small number of the new schools have posted arresting results, with their low-income students, primarily African-American and Hispanic, outperforming students statewide—and in some cases, their white peers from affluent suburban districts.

Among this smattering of “gap-closing” schools, one broad approach, frequently called “No Excuses” schooling, appears to dominate.

The Knowledge Is Power Program (KIPP) network of schools is the exemplar, but the approach is proliferating in other networks, including Achievement First, Uncommon Schools, and in stand-alone schools, many of which aspire to replicate themselves in the coming years. The growing attention these organizations are receiving is richly deserved.

If scholarly research (addressing complexities like selection effects) confirms their apparent achievements, they will have demonstrated a schooling model that, with some consistency, turns around the academic trajectory of their students. That possibility has already created understandable excitement, attracted substantial philanthropic support for existing or aspiring No Excuses school networks, and drawn thousands of exceptional young people to work in urban education as classroom teachers, school leaders, and managers in No Excuses networks.

The critical question is now one of scale: If the No Excuses formula is behind most high performing urban charter schools, is the approach sustainable, and can it be widely reproduced?

The new bargain that charter legislation extended—authority and autonomy in exchange for accountability—sparked thousands of education entrepreneurs to create new schools. Despite the energy and commitment of their founders, most charter schools have failed to decisively outperform their district competitors.

Seventeen years after Minnesota became the first state to pass charter legislation, the number of charter schools that are truly “gap-closers”—where urban or rural students, despite their economic disadvantage, are performing on par with their more affluent, typically suburban peers—is small. There are perhaps as few as 200 nationwide...

Friday, August 29, 2008

Mapping Analysis Finds Interdistrict-Choice Options to Be Limited

This from Education Week:

The use of interdistrict-choice programs is unlikely to increase most students’ educational opportunities significantly, a new report concludes, despite recent attention to the idea as a means of reducing economic and racial segregation and giving students in low-performing public schools a chance to find a better school.

“Only a limited number of students in a limited number of locations are likely to benefit from interdistrict choice—and even then, only if carefully crafted policies succeed where many past programs have failed,” says the report, issued this week by Education Sector, a Washington think tank that supports public school choice...

Friday, March 28, 2008

LBJ's Carrot and Stick

Ten years after Brown v Board of Education II the south was still deeply committed to incrementalism - an intentional and illegal foot-dragging - that was announced in 1955 when 101 of 128 southern legislators signed the Southern Manifesto and declared they would not follow the Supreme court ruling.

Not unlike George W. Bush - Lyndon B. Johnson, another of America's Texas presidents, used the political capital he possessed following the assassination of John F Kennedy to drive the political agenda as far to the left as he could. After 911, W headed right.

Part of Johnson's effort was to put some meaning into the Supreme Court's words - "all deliberate speed." To accomplish desegregation in the muleish south, Johnson thought it was necessary to use a two-pronged attack; a "carrot and stick."

The "stick" was already in place with the signing of the Civil Rights Acts in 1964.

His "carrot" was the $4 billion Elementary and Secondary Education Act.

With the Supreme Court's confirmation in Green v County Board of Education, for the first time it became possible for the federal government to punish school districts that were still refusing to desegregate. Do what the feds say or lose your funds - an approach that did not escape President Bush. In 1963-64, barely 1% of black students were attending school with whites. By 1972 that number had grown to 75%.

The No Child Left Behind Act—the latest version of the Elementary and Secondary Education Act of 1965—is central to many education policy debates today. But the origin of this groundbreaking law, its structure, and the expansion of the federal role in education since the law's enactment are important to today's debates, yet often overlooked.

Recently, The Education Sector sponsored an event (.pdf & audio transcript) that brought together leaders who have shaped ESEA on Capitol Hill to discuss how the federal role in education began, how it's changed, and what this important history means for accountability debates today and in the future.