A lawyer representing the former local high school student whose "Bong Hits 4 Jesus" banner unfurled a lengthy free speech debate is accusing the attorney for the Juneau School Board of harassing his client over a $5,000 legal bill.

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Richard Garnett: Notre Dame Law School
"...you saw what I regard as relatively narrow, modest opinions, which stayed within the framework of earlier decided cases. So you might say that these three cases are consistent with a theme that some people have seen in the new chief justice's thinking and writing, namely, incrementalism."
RICHARD GARNETT, Notre Dame Law School: You know, one thread that seems to hold these cases together is that, in all three, you had an older decision that the courts have had the option of either rejecting or reversing entirely or trying to live with. And in several of the cases, you saw some of the justices on the conservative side saying, "Look, we should take this farther. The cases you're asking us to work with, they were wrongly decided. Let's scratch them and move on."
But in all of these cases, the court decided not to do that. And instead you saw what I regard as relatively narrow, modest opinions, which stayed within the framework of earlier decided cases. So you might say that these three cases are consistent with a theme that some people have seen in the new chief justice's thinking and writing, namely, incrementalism.
JUDY WOODRUFF: Is that what you're seeing, Walter Dellinger, incrementalism?
Walter Dellinger: Duke University School of Law
"In the "Bong Hits 4 Jesus" case, what was striking was that the opinion is actually quite narrow. It's protective of student speech, because the opinion says that you can only suppress student speech if you're actually advocating illegal drug use."
JUDY WOODRUFF: Well, we hear Professor Garnett saying, though, they're doing this along pretty narrow definitions of the law.
WALTER DELLINGER: Well, that was true at least in one of the cases today, the school case. One of the things we learned about the First Amendment today was that the court -- it's a little more differential [sic] to free speech rights of corporations than it is to public school students in one important respect...
...And yet in the "Bong Hits 4 Jesus" case, what was striking was that the opinion is actually quite narrow. It's protective of student speech, because the opinion says that you can only suppress student speech if you're actually advocating illegal drug use.
But what does the phrase "Bong Hits 4 Jesus" mean? Nobody knows. The kid may have just wanted to get on television.
But in that case, the court went the other way and assumed that this was an advocacy of illegal drug use. I don't think that an earlier court in Tinker would have thought this unprotected speech by the student.
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This from the Los Angeles Times: Justices let schools ban pro-drug signs.
High court rules, 5-4, that administrators have the right to discipline students for promoting illegal activities.
This from Education Week: Supreme Court Backs Discipline of Student for Drug-Related Banner.
And this: U.S. Supreme Court Limits Student Speech in 'Bong Hits 4 Jesus' Case.
This from BBC News: US student loses free speech case
This from the Christian Science Monitor: Court restricts student expression.
The Supreme Court ruled Monday that school officials retain discretion to censor student speech that they believe may encourage illegal drug use.
This from Breitbart: Top US court rules against 'Bong Hits 4 Jesus.'
This from CNN: 'Bong Hits 4 Jesus' case limits student rights.
This from the Chicago Tribune: Court Limits Student Free-Speech Rights.
This from MSNBC: Supreme Court limits student speech.
In 'Bong Hits 4 Jesus' case, Roberts says advocacy of drug use can be curbed.

The New York Times reports: A Supreme Court case about the free-speech rights of high school students, to be argued on Monday, has opened an unexpected fissure between the Bush administration and its usual allies on the religious right.
As a result, an appeal that asks the justices to decide whether school officials can squelch or punish student advocacy of illegal drugs has taken on an added dimension as a window on an active front in the culture wars, one that has escaped the notice of most people outside the fray. And as the stakes have grown higher, a case that once looked like an easy victory for the government side may prove to be a much closer call.
As the Olympic torch was carried through the streets of Juneau on its way to the 2002 winter games in Salt Lake City, students were allowed to leave the school grounds to watch. The school band and cheerleaders performed. With television cameras focused on the scene, student Joseph Frederick and some friends unfurled a 14-foot-long banner with the inscription: “Bong Hits 4 Jesus.”
Mr. Fredericks’s ensuing lawsuit and the free-speech court battle that resulted, in which he has prevailed so far, is one that, classically, pits official authority against student dissent. It is the first Supreme Court case to do so directly since the court upheld the right of students to wear black arm bands to school to protest the war in Vietnam, declaring in Tinker v. Des Moines School District that “it can hardly be argued that either students or teachers shed their constitutional rights to freedom of speech or expression at the schoolhouse gate.”
The court followed that 1969 decision with two others during the 1980s that upheld the authority of school officials to ban vulgar or offensive student speech and to control the content of school newspapers. Clearly there is some tension in the court’s student-speech doctrine; what message to extract from the trio of decisions is the basic analytical question in the new case, Morse v. Frederick, No. 06-278. What is most striking is how the two sides line up.
The Bush administration entered the case on the side of the principal and the Juneau School Board, which are both represented by Kenneth W. Starr, the former solicitor general and independent counsel.
While it is hardly surprising to find the American Civil Liberties Union and the National Coalition Against Censorship on Mr. Frederick’s side, it is the array of briefs from organizations that litigate and speak on behalf of the religious right that has lifted Morse v. Frederick out of the realm of the ordinary. The groups include the American Center for Law and Justice, founded by the Rev. Pat Robertson; the Christian Legal Society; the Alliance Defense Fund, an organization based in Arizona that describes its mission as “defending the right to hear and speak the Truth”; the Rutherford Institute, which has participated in many religion cases before the court; and Liberty Legal Institute, a nonprofit law firm “dedicated to the preservation of First Amendment rights and religious freedom.”
The institute, based in Plano, Tex., told the justices in its brief that it was “gravely concerned that the religious freedom of students in public schools will be damaged” if the court rules for the school board.
More analysis from the Supreme Court of the U S - SCOTUSBLOG...and here.