This from
WBEZ:
This
spring, at grammar schools all across Chicago, thousands of eighth
graders donned caps and gowns and walked across auditorium stages to
receive their elementary school diplomas. This fall, the graduates from
each of those schools will scatter—to more than 130 different Chicago
public high schools, and counting.
But who goes where?
Over
the past decade, Chicago has opened more than 50 new high schools, and
will open more this fall. The school district is trying to expand the
number of quality school options and offer students a choice of where to
go to school. And in many ways, Chicago high schools seem to be
improving. Graduation rates are inching up. The city now boasts five of the top ten high schools in the state.
But
a new WBEZ analysis shows an unintended consequence of the choice
system: students of different achievement levels are being sorted into
separate high schools.
WBEZ analyzed incoming test scores for
freshmen from the fall of 2012, the most recent year data is available.
That year, the district mandated that every high school give students an
“EXPLORE” exam about a month into the school year.
The 26,340 scores range from painfully low to perfect.
But
WBEZ found few schools in the city enroll the full span of students.
Instead, low-scoring students and high-scoring students in particular
are attending completely different high schools. Other schools enroll a
glut of average kids.
Think of it as academic tracking—not within schools, but between them.
THE BIG SORT
The
findings raise some of the same long-running questions educators have
debated about the academic and social implications of in-school
tracking. But they also raise questions about whether the city’s school
choice system is actually creating better schools, or whether it’s
simply sorting certain students out and leaving the weakest learners in
separate, struggling schools.
WBEZ’s analysis shows:
- Serious brain drain.
The city’s selective “test-in” high schools — among the best in the
state — capture nearly all the top students in the school system. There
were 104 kids who scored a perfect 25 on the EXPLORE exam. One hundred
of them — 96 percent — enrolled in just six of the city’s 130 high
schools (Northside, Whitney Young, Payton, Lane, Lincoln Park, and
Jones). In fact, 80 percent of perfect scorers went to just three
schools. Among the city’s top 2 percent of test takers (those scoring a
23, 24, or 25 on their exam), 87 percent are at those same six schools.
Chicago has proposed creating an 11th selective enrollment high school,
Barack Obama College Prep, to be located in the same area as the schools
already attracting the city’s top performers.
- Clustering of low-performing students.
Fifteen percent of the city’s high schools are populated with vastly
disproportionate numbers of low-performing students. More than 80
percent of incoming students at these schools score below the district
average. The schools enroll 10 percent of all Chicago high school
students.
- Black students are most likely to be affected by sorting. WBEZ’s
analysis shows African American students are doubly segregated, first
by race, then by achievement. Of the 40 most academically narrow schools
in Chicago, 34 of them are predominantly black. Even though just 40
percent of students in the public schools are African American, Chicago
has black high schools for low achievers, black high schools for average
kids, black test-in high schools for high achievers.
- Within neighborhoods, more sorting. Schools
within a particular community may appear to be attracting the same
students demographically, but WBEZ finds significant sorting by
achievement. Especially in neighborhoods on the South and West sides,
the comprehensive neighborhood high school has become a repository for
low performers; nearby charters or other new schools are attracting far
greater percentages of above-average kids.
- The dozens of new high schools Chicago has opened since 2004 fall on both sides of the “sorting” spectrum.
New schools with the widest range of incoming test performers include
Ogden International IB on the Near North Side; Goode, a Southwest Side
magnet school with preference for neighborhood students; and Chicago
High School for the Arts, which admits students based on arts auditions.
New schools showing the least amount of academic diversity include
Daniel Hale Williams (where incoming students score at about the
district average); also low-scoring DuSable Leadership Academy Charter
(in the same building as Williams, ordered in 2013 to begin phasing
out), Ace Tech Charter, and Austin Business and Entrepreneurial High
School.
The idea behind school choice is to to let families
pick the type of school they want for their kids, something more
affluent Americans can do by moving or by paying for private school.
Choice is also seen as a way to improve all schools by injecting more
market-based competition into the school system.
But the sorting of students by achievement into separate high schools seems to be an unintended consequence.
“It
certainly wasn’t a goal,” says Paul Hill, the founder of the Center on
Reinventing Public Education at the University of Washington, and the
architect of the “portfolio” school choice model Chicago and other big cities are following.
Hill says he and others were concerned about sorting based on race or
class, but dramatic sorting by achievement level was not foreseen.
Chicago
schools CEO Barbara Byrd-Bennett, who has been on the job for a year
and a half, says she is aware that students are clustering in different
high schools by achievement, and is concerned about any suggestion that
that’s a good thing.
“There’s no research to support that,” said
Byrd-Bennett, who said she, Mayor Rahm Emanuel and the school board
“come from a very different belief system,” one that does not rely on
sorting students by achievement. “What we believe is you’ve got to
elevate, raise the level and the quality of instruction at all of our
schools, including our neighborhood (schools),” said Byrd-Bennett.
However, she rejected the notion that sorting is an outcome of school
choice or Chicago’s massive expansion in the number of high schools.
“This
has got to be a district of choice. If I choose to go to my
neighborhood school, it’s because it ought to be a great school as
well,” said Byrd-Bennett.
New York City and New Orleans see a similar dynamic
Despite
most New Orleans schools being open to students of all academic levels,
“high performing students tend to go to high-performing schools, and
low-performing students tend to go to low-performing schools,” says
Andrew McEachin, a North Carolina State University professor who has
studied school choice in the now all-charter city. “So even though it's a
choice-based district, you see that there's kind of like a tiered
system, where people are choosing schools similar to their background
and achievement levels.”
The same thing is happening in New York
City. Why? Researchers say “achievement” may be an indication of the
resources students have at home. Higher performing students’ families
are better at getting information about school quality, navigating the
system, and securing things like transportation to school or test prep
for entrance exams.
McEachin and others say the consequences of
sorting could reverberate to other aspects of the school system. “What
is the unintended consequence of this ability grouping on the teacher
labor market?” asks McEachin. “Is it going to make it even harder to get
good teachers to the lowest-achieving students?”
Sorting by
performance isn’t new in Chicago Public Schools, and isn’t unique to
choice systems. Some of the city’s toughest high schools have not
attracted generally higher performing middle-class students for decades.
But under choice and a dramatic expansion in the number of high
schools, parents and counselors say sorting of students is becoming more
pronounced.
Students know the hierarchy
Chicago students can identify the hierarchy high schools fall into. Lane Tech is for 'A' students, they say.
“If
you get straight As and you do really good on testing, the school
you’ll probably get accepted into is Northside, Walter Payton, Whitney
Young,” says freshman Amber Hunt.
What about the B students?
“Schools with IB programs sometimes take solid Bs,” says Amber. “Charter
schools are kind of like if you’re average, or slightly below average.”
|
Students know which high schools are for which
students. |
Lots
of students give the same answers. Ninth grader Evelyn Almodovar says
she knows “C” students who went to private high schools because “they
didn’t want to be embarrassed about going to a school that’s known as
having worse students.”
And what about the lowest performers,
those who struggle in grammar school? They go to neighborhood schools,
every student tells me. “Low-ranking schools,” says freshman Anais
Roman, naming a neighborhood school and low-scoring charter in her area.
Many elementary school counselors describe a nearly identical hierarchy (one grammar school even posts its graduates’ “high school destinations” in the same basic A-to-F order).
In
an indication of just how segmented high schools have become, a
counselor said her elementary school sends “average” students to a
nearby high school that’s seen as safe, admits no low performers, and
scores at about the district average. But she said she would not
recommend the school for her top students—even though they’re eligible
to attend. “I don’t think they would offer the academic rigor,” she said
of the school.
A number of counselors lamented the sorting.
“We
look at the suburbs, and we look at much of the rest of the
country—there’s one school to go to based on your address, and that
neighborhood high school would have all sorts of different programs
available,” says Walsh Elementary counselor Kristy Brooks.
Brooks
says she sees positive aspects to Chicago’s high school choice
system—kids leave segregated neighborhoods and find new classmates and
opportunities, students push themselves to get into top schools. But she
says she sees neighborhood schools being left with low-performing
students who didn’t have the academic performance or the help to get to
another school.
“I think in the long run it would be better to have equity in all schools,” says Brooks.
But
if all students were in a single comprehensive high school, wouldn’t
they be tracked within that school anyway? Does it matter if they’re in
separate schools?
“In part it doesn’t matter—it’s disastrous
either way,” says Kevin Welner, director of the National Education
Policy Center at the University of Colorado at Boulder and an opponent
of tracking.
“But in part it matters because once we get to that
point of between-school tracking, it’s even harder to try to address. If
we’re going to reform the system and make it more equitable, starting
with the kids in the same schools is a good first step,” says Welner,
who argues tracking cements current stratifications in society.
Top performers benefit from sorting
For many students at Lane Tech, this is the first time they’ve attended school with all high achievers.
“It raises the standards a lot,” says freshman Paradise Cosey.
Another
freshman says she feels more “comfortable” at 4,000-student Lane Tech
than she did at her elementary school; she says this is the first year
since fifth grade that classmates haven’t asked to copy her work.
High
performing students are like gold in a school. Everybody does better
around them—including other high-performing students. And it’s not just
about test scores. The biggest predictor of whether a school is safe,
orderly, and set up for learning is students’ academic achievement.
Having top performers makes an entire school easier to run.
Paul
Hill says some stratification doesn’t bother him, “One thing that this
just demonstrates yet again is that human beings just love status
hierarchies and we’ll create them any way we can.” Hill says Americans
believe in equality, but they also believe in elite schools.
“But
when it trickles down to the lowest-performing kids are in the schools
with the least of everything, then that’s not tolerable,” says Hill.
Marshall High, a school of “last resort”
At Marshall Metropolitan High School, 86 percent of students come in scoring below the district average. Some can’t read.
Marshall,
the attendance-area high school for a big swath of Chicago’s West Side,
is among the 15 percent of Chicago high schools enrolling vastly
disproportionate numbers of low achievers.
“Well, I didn’t
actually choose to come to Marshall,” says rising sophomore Kadeesha
Williams. “My mom said because it was in the area.”
Kadeesha had
wanted to go to Marine Military Academy down the street. “I wanted to be
a Marine, so I wanted to get the type of education they get so I can
get ready,” she said. But the family turned her application in late. “We
went to take a test. But my mom, she lost the paperwork.”
Kadeesha’s mom says the paperwork was actually lost at the school—they had no record of Kadeesha taking the test, she says.
Kadeesha
is liking Marshall. “Marshall’s a good school,” she says. “Because the
teachers here, they’re very into you. They’re a lot of help.”
Other
students say they came to Marshall because family went here. Some come
to play for Marshall’s storied basketball team or, lately, the school’s
budding chess team.
Teacher James Dorrell says for other students,
“it’s sort of like a school of last resort. They try to enroll in
charter schools or selective enrollments, and once they can’t get in,
they would come here”—though he sees Marshall as much more than that.
About half of the school's students come from the neighborhood, the
other half from outside the attendance boundary.
Dorrell says
after a re-staffing and infusion of money in 2010, Marshall is hugely
improved. The entire school is set up to help the struggling kids who
enroll here. Freshmen have double periods of English and math. Many take
reading—a subject other high schools don’t even offer.
But more students still drop out than graduate from Marshall. And test scores have barely moved.
Marshall
raises a question at the heart of tracking—and at the heart of
Chicago’s system of school choice. Is it better to group low performers
together? Better for whom?
“The pros are yes, we can have these
interventions,” says Dorrell. “The cons would be—you would want some
high achievers because they sort of raise the bar, and other kids could
see what it takes to be successful. So I think having kids with higher
test scores would benefit all of this group. But I also see the benefit
of having these kids…tracked by ability.”
Marshall is open to all
students in the neighborhood. But there are no freshman honors courses,
no AP classes (the school is trying to change that). There’s little to
attract higher achievers.
There
are four new high schools within a mile of Marshall. Two are military
schools with minimum test score requirements, keeping out low
performers. The third is a Noble Street charter school, which requires
much more effort to enroll than Marshall. (Parents need to come to an
information session on a particular evening in order to obtain an
application, for instance. Students must write an essay.) At the two
military schools, 48 percent and 64 percent of incoming students score
above average. At the Noble Street charter, 41 percent of students enter
above average. At Marshall, the figure is three times less—just 14
percent of incoming kids score above average.
That story is
repeated in neighborhood after neighborhood in Chicago—and raises
questions about whether the city’s school choice system is creating
better schools, or simply pulling away better performing students,
leaving the low achievers segregated into separate, failing schools.
Michael
Milkie, the founder and CEO of the Noble Network of Charter Schools,
Chicago’s largest high school charter network, sees the entire question
of sorting as a “red herring.”
“I think the most important part by
far are the adults in the building, their ability to deliver
instruction, and the school culture. Those are the things that far
outweigh whether you have a concentration of certain learners or a wide
variety of learners,” says Milkie. All Noble schools attract far more
high performers than neighborhood schools in the same communities; CPS
recently told Noble Street that applications “must be available to all
parents and students without limitations,” and that the charter network
must indicate that the required student essay is actually optional.
Milkie
believes his students are exactly the same as those in other schools.
He says the Noble scores look higher because the incoming test is given
4-6 weeks into high school, enough time for his students to pull ahead,
he says.
1 comment:
So are we also saying that high to mid high performing kids are going to do worse when they are around kids who are performing lower?
I hate to admit it but as I get older the more I come to embrace the benefits of homogeneous ability grouping - framing educational opportunities to fit the intellectual and skill potential of the child instead trying to push everyone down some sort of common pathway.
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